Adam Tucker
@adam
Constitutional lawyer at University of Liverpool & Bingham Centre. Interested in legislative power and its limits. Currently finishing book on parliamentary sovereignty But easily distracted esp by delegated legislation, and statutory interpretation.
This is an absolutely superb passage in this piece - and of much wider significance than just this particular context.
And here is a view of the extent of the smoke today (from space) zoom.earth/maps/satelli...
A huge swathe of the North West under the pall of the smoke from the Dovestone fire this evening. (The fire is far left, Manchester skyline in the centre.)
Finally, one more thing. The changes will be introduced as amendments to the Representation of the People Bill which will be passed later this year. But these changes will be legislated retrospectively to come into force as of TODAY.
Secondly, crypto donations. Rycroft's proposal, which the government are following, was for a "pause" or "moratorium", i.e. a temporary ban. This was motivated by a sense that at some (presumably near-) future point, regulatory developments will make it appropriate to permit crypto donations.
First, overseas donations. Rycroft recommended that the cap be set "initially" at a "reasonably high level" £100K-£300K in order to give political parties time to adjust. That is, his recommendation of such a high starting point was premised on the cap being further reduced over time:
2. The scrutiny process which applies here, and its consequences, are (like I said above, and yesterday, sorry to bang on about this) sui-generis. They are in s3(2) of the Immigration Act 1971 www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1971/7...
Also, FWIW the current gvt agree with me on this. www.gov.uk/guidance/imm... I don't know if the Home Office said no legislation was needed, or if the BBC are misreporting that. Either way, the public understanding of law would be better served by getting this right.
A couple of quibbles with this BBC report on the prospect of a vote on changes to the Immigration Rules. 1. The changes DO require legislation. 2. A vote isn't purely symbolic. It's not much, but it's more than that. www.bbc.co.uk/news/article... (detail unpacked in mini-thread...)
This rather presupposes that the King sees himself as having some kind of power - which in this instance he has decided not to deploy - to obstruct Parliament when it wants to legislate... www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026...
1+2: unis should really be more tolerant of protest than the law requires them to be, but this firm is promoting (and universities are receptive to) a strategy of being even less tolerant than the law requires. Authoritarian legal advice is not the way to define "the future for universities"
2. In any event, the strategy this firm is selling - indeed actively promoting - permits/encourages unis to go further than ordinary protest law would require. The law generally requires universities to tolerate (some) protests without permission, the strategy is to shift the boundary to permission
WTAF? None of these would be a legitimate target of sanctions. The UK government should not cooperate. And it should also be preparing to take measures itself to protect their finances (even if not publicly at this stage), not just "advising" them to do so.
This new case is a remarkable argument, taken alongside his recent judicial review - which turned (amongst other things) on the unavailability of alternative arrangements for detaining him. The cumulative logic of the two (yes, there are nuances etc) is that he is currently un-detainable.
Bonjour le Sénat! I'm in (cloud-free) Paris to spend a day talking about referendums.
I genuinely don't think there's a sound basis to distinguish between the citizenship elements in the PRCBC case (2022, where the principle of legality "is not in play") and in the N3/ZA case (this week, where the principle of legality is decisive).
Ooh - a Valentine's treat for public lawyers On this bit: we should at least go as far as: "all executive-initiated legislative ... limitation of judicial review is necessarily at least constitutionally 𝘴𝘶𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘤𝘵" (I'll explain why, and the doctrinal consequences of this, in my forthcoming book 😀)
It's (i) an abuse of the power to issue guidance, which (ii) is being misrepresented by the government You can't claim political credit for repealing the IMA whilst disingenuously reintroducing its substance (Others are better placed than me to comment on the performative cruelty itself) v4 v v5:
A substantive change in the rules is not a "clarification" The predecessor text had different content with different consequences - calling it a "clarification" is deliberately misleading i.e. lying. (from www.bbc.co.uk/news/article...)
👏👏👏👏 Don't forget - this is simply asking the government to honour its own manifesto commitment. A commitment which can only be achieved through: - changing the funding settlement - investment
This (55-page) book is a joy. A hugely successful example of doing lots, well, in a small space. And surely the world needs more books where (see its opening sentence!) authors get to "just" pursue an inkling that has bothered them for a while. "Download it while it's....free!" I guess.
For what it's worth, I think this is clear on the face of what Grieve says, in that the examples he proposes to establish its unacceptable breadth plainly don't make it a skeleton bill. They are not "key issues". There is not "a very large number" of them:
This one qualifies in all three ways for me. Enjoy it for yourself at (1993) 13 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 18. (Unless like me you are an advocate of - even modest - limits on legislative power, in which case it will haunt you. Forever.)
I'm not sure what kind of source would suffice, but their opposition was quite clear cut. Wrecking amendment with catalogue of objections at 2nd reading in col 781 here: hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1998... And a bit further down in the debate, this summary of opposition's position: