Political Studies

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Political Studies@polstudies· 19d

When Chile returned to compulsory voting in 2022, turnout surged. But so did invalid ballots. Gonzalo Contreras & Mauricio Morales Quiroga argue compulsory voting shifts political inequality from participation to vote validity. Read more: buff.ly/gZYDrA9 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #LatinAmerica

Abstract
Compulsory voting (CV) reliably raises turnout, but its effects on invalid ballots and the inequalities these produce are less well understood. Chile’s return to CV in 2022 provides a rare within-country test of how the shift from voluntary to compulsory participation reshapes invalid voting and what this produces in the context of shifting inequalities. We analyse the last local elections held under voluntary voting (VV, 2021) and the first under CV (2024) across all 345 municipalities, exploiting concurrent contests held under distinct electoral rules. Our central finding is that CV shifts inequality from participation to vote validity, with rates of invalid voting varying across majoritarian and proportional elections. Specifically: (1) invalid voting increased substantially under CV, though valid votes for parties and candidates also rose; (2) the entry of new voters is associated with a shift from abstention under VV to invalid ballots under CV; (3) ballot size is more strongly associated with invalid voting under CV in proportional than in relative-majority systems; (4) poverty is unrelated to invalid voting under VV but becomes significant under CV, especially in the capital; and (5) rurality is negatively associated with invalid voting under CV but not under VV. These results contribute to debates on whether CV corrects or displaces class bias in participation, on the structural determinants of invalid voting, and on how electoral system type conditions invalid ballot rates under compulsory participation.

Political Studies@polstudies· 20d

Does support for democracy increase losers’ consent? André Blais, @damienbol.bsky.social & @carolinaplescia.bsky.social find that strong democratic convictions don't necessarily increase acceptance of unfavourable results. Read more: buff.ly/es2bVZ5 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Regime legitimacy and survival rely on citizens’ consent to election results, even when these results are unfavorable. Theories posit that individuals with pro-democratic attitudes are more accepting of electoral losses. We test this assumption by analyzing the empirical relationship between support for democratic principles, such as universal suffrage, and electoral consent to randomly generated, hypothetical but plausible electoral outcomes. Using data from a representative sample of Germans, we find a negative correlation between the two variables. Furthermore, those with the strongest democratic convictions are those most influenced in their consent by partisan preferences. Part of the explanation stems from reactions to the far-right, anti-democratic party Alternative for Germany, as many respondents strongly dislike this party and are unwilling to consent to outcomes in which it performs well. However, even among other respondents, democratic support does not correlate positively with losers’ consent.

Political Studies@polstudies· 21d

Can discrimination information foster political solidarity? Michael Neureiter & Ida Nørregaard examine when shared grievances shift immigration attitudes, finding effects for some migrant groups but not others. More: buff.ly/C3EhEZc @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalSolidarity

Abstract
As Western democracies become increasingly diverse, political influence often depends on effective alliances and solidarity that cut across group boundaries. While the intergroup solidarity literature points to shared grievances as a central driver, it remains unclear exactly what kind of grievance information promotes political solidarity between which groups. To test this, we conducted a survey experiment in the United Kingdom among respondents from three distinct groups: migrants from Eastern Europe, migrants from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and natives. The treatments vary based on which immigrant group is described as experiencing discrimination, making potentially shared group grievances salient. We find that discrimination information increases support for prospective MENA immigrants among migrants from Eastern Europe, but not vice versa, and we find no effects among UK natives. Moreover, discrimination information is more effective among migrants without British citizenship. Importantly, discrimination information may not uniformly foster political solidarity or interest alignment across all population groups.

Political Studies@polstudies· 22d

When should immigrants gain voting rights? @alyssamtaylor.bsky.social & Mia K. Gandenberger examine how integration and psychological predispositions shape support for immigrant enfranchisement. Read more: buff.ly/sHJJA2s @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ImmigrationPolitics

Abstract
As democracies grow more diverse through immigration, a key question arises: when should immigrants participate in political decision-making? We examine citizens’ beliefs about when immigrants should vote in national elections (before citizenship, with citizenship, or never) and whether these views depend on immigrants’ integration markers. We assess how exclusionary worldviews and psychological predispositions—authoritarianism, social dominance orientation (SDO), and ethnocentrism—shape views of democratic membership and how malleable those views are. Using 2021 survey data from Denmark, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, we find that integration criteria matter most to those who view citizenship as the primary gateway to political inclusion. High levels of SDO and ethnocentrism are associated with exclusionary preferences, though integration efforts reduce resistance among individuals high in SDO. Authoritarian-leaning individuals are simultaneously more willing to include immigrants pre-naturalization and more likely to support permanent exclusion. These findings highlight the conditional nature of political inclusion in diverse democracies.

Political Studies@polstudies· 23d

How do we stereotype our political opponents? @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social, @jnareal.bsky.social, @markuswagner.bsky.social & @piotrmarczynski.bsky.social argue political stereotypes are a blend of issues, traits & social groups rather than distinct categories. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/qlea7Vo

Abstract
Political stereotypes—beliefs about the attributes of politically defined groups—can deepen polarization by obscuring commonalities among citizens. Yet little is known about their nature outside the United States. Using open-ended survey responses from Brazil, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Poland (N = 5381), we analyze how citizens describe political adversaries in their own words—focusing on issues, social groups, and traits. Combining deductive and inductive coding, we uncover both cross-national patterns and context-specific dynamics. Our content analysis shows that issue- and trait-based stereotypes dominate, but boundaries between categories are blurred. Respondents often conflate politicians and voters, use group labels to suggest traits or views (and vice versa), and deploy trait language to express moral condemnation. These tendencies vary by country, reflecting salient debates and historical cleavages. Our findings suggest treating political stereotypes as webs of associations that go beyond discrete categories, with implications for the comparative study of stereotypes and polarization.

Political Studies@polstudies· 24d

What drives trust in civil servants across countries? Yuehong Cassandra Tai & Frederick Solt examine data from 98 countries and show economic performance boosts short-term trust while government quality has lasting effects. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/UhHfFu3 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky

Abstract
Trust in civil servants is essential for effective governance, enabling policy implementation, public service delivery, and compliance. However, the lack of comparable cross-national data on trust in bureaucracy has limited our ability to systematically examine these relationships. To address this gap, we develop the Trust in Civil Servants (TCS) dataset with an advanced latent-variable modeling technique, using 123 national and cross-national surveys from 98 countries (1986–2022). Our measures reveal variations in trust both within and between countries. We find that economic performance and public security enhance trust in the short term, whereas government quality and effectiveness have more enduring, long-term impacts on trust in civil service. The TCS dataset opens new avenues for examining connections between trust, governance quality, and complex policy challenges across different contexts.

Political Studies@polstudies· 25d

Do early elections give governments a financial campaign advantage? Lasse Aaskoven examines UK candidate spending, arguing governing parties outspend rivals in snap elections because they can better prepare. Read more: buff.ly/aAv0qhy @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ElectoralPolitics

Abstract
In many parliamentary democracies, incumbents can call early elections. This is thought to provide incumbent governments with an advantage due to the ability to time elections to favorable economic conditions. This article explores an additional incumbency advantage of early elections. Due to information asymmetry about election timing, government parties can better plan fundraising and campaign spending in early elections years compared to nongovernment parties giving government parties a relative financial advantage. This argument is tested on campaign-spending data from British parliamentary candidates 1950–2019. The results supports the argument. Government party candidates gain a relative financial advantage in early elections years compared to scheduled election years. The effect is found only for non-incumbent candidates and may have been eliminated by the Fixed-term Parliaments Act of 2011, which removed government election-calling power. The results suggest that government election-calling power provides incumbent parties with a relative financial advantage.

Political Studies@polstudies· 26d

Is the ‘directional’ measure of negative campaigning really unreliable? @alessandronai.bsky.social, @maierjuergen.bsky.social & Michaela Maier examine evidence from nine studies, arguing the measure is reliable & robust. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/19BZgGn @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
The ‘directional’ definition of negative campaigning (i.e. when candidates leverage critiques against their political opponents) has been criticized for lacking reliability and validity. Does this critical assessment resist scrutiny? We propose, via nine different original studies, a full-scale reassessment of this critical assessment. Building on novel evidence from sources as disparate as expert ratings of elections across the world, automated and manual coding of social media posts, candidate self-ratings, cross-sectional surveys, experimental evidence, and more, we provide a much less pessimistic outlook. The evidence discussed in the nine studies showcases high levels of (self-)observer agreement (i.e. different people evaluate the same phenomenon similarly), situational consistency (evaluations are stable across time and space), convergent validity (different independent measures of the same phenomenon are strongly correlated), construct validity (measures can be used to provide empirical support for theoretically cogent hypotheses), and discriminant validity (proximate phenomena are perceived differently). The directional measure of campaign negativity is not perfect, but it is very much alive and kicking. The data and materials for all nine studies are open for replication and re-analysis.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 12

We hope you've enjoyed reading through the list of some of the most highly cited pieces published under our editorial team. Click #PSHighlyViewed to check all of the highlighted articles as part of this campaign. 🧵👇 1/2

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 11

What drives populists to accept expert advice? Cross-country study by A Peresman, @thoruplars.bsky.social, @honoratam.bsky.social & @m-b-petersen.bsky.social compares how populists & non-populists evaluate expertise: buff.ly/PaX1OOK #PSHighlyViewed 3/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
Across diverse policy domains, there is broad concern about whether trust in science and expertise has eroded during the past decade. Using quota-based surveys with over 7,500 respondents across five countries and preregistered vignette experiments, we investigate what persuades populists and non-populists to accept expert advice. We find first that populism is associated with less willingness to accept expert advice, yet with variation between countries and topics. Second, we find both populists and non-populists are similarly impacted by stronger arguments. Finally, we show that populists are more likely to judge advice as poorly reasoned and perceive it as politically biased. A mediation analysis showed that the relationship between populism and advice acceptance was nearly completely mediated by these judgments. Our study indicates that populists not only listen to expertise but also respond to the same qualities of expert advice as others, even if their skepticism is higher."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 10

How can resilience of democratic procedures, processes & principles be improved? Aurel Croissant & @larslott.bsky.social present a novel conceptualization & measurements of democratic resilience: buff.ly/TaTSGrk (OA) #PSHighlyViewed 9/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @vdeminstitute.bsky.social

"Abstract
Why are some democracies more resilient than others? How can their resilience be improved? Answering these questions requires valid conceptualization and reliable measures of democratic resilience. This study presents a novel conceptualization and measurements of democratic resilience. It differentiates between democratic resilience as regime performance and regime capacity and introduces the Democratic Resilience Capacity Index. The index is the first and only measure available to empirically compare the ability of democracies to become or to remain resilient. We demonstrate the usefulness of our approach for empirical research through an exploratory study of 103 democracies since 2000. We find that resilience capacity strengthens the ability of a democracy to prevent a substantial loss of its democratic qualities and regime breakdown, but not its ability to recover from autocratization. This suggests that different forms of democratic resilience, though temporally connected, depend on different forms or combinations of resilience capacities."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 9

Does populism fuel affective polarization? Juan Pérez-Rajó analyses panel data to examine the causal relationship between populism and affective polarization. Read in @polstudies.bsky.social: buff.ly/7DyeJiV #PSHighlyViewed 8/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #Manicheism

"Abstract
Populism and affective polarization speak of a bisected society, and scholars have linked them at the party level. While the relationship between populism and affective polarization can be reciprocal, this article leverages panel data to delve into the causal relationship between populism and affective polarization. First, I posit individuals who become identified with populist parties will hold higher levels of affective polarization. Second, I expect increases in levels of populist attitudes to heighten affective polarization, and this is explained by both the increase of affect towards the ingroup and the decrease of affect towards the outgroup. Using nine waves of a panel survey, results show the importance of differentiating between measures of populism at the individual level, as the increase in populist attitudes appears to fuel affective polarization, symmetrically increasing affect towards the ingroup and decreasing affect towards the outgroup, while the effect of becoming a populist party supporter is more nuanced, as it is different for populist left and right parties."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 8

Young vs older voters turnout: Davide Angelucci, Luca Carrieri & Marco Improta argue that when young people are descriptively represented, the age-related gap in turnout is significantly reduced. Read more: buff.ly/GtGzXSV #PSHighlyViewed 7/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ECRs

"Abstract
Previous studies have extensively demonstrated that young people vote less than older ones. However, the magnitude of this age-related gap varies across different contexts: While in some countries, the gap is remarkable and increasing over time, in others, it is quite modest, and it has remained constant. This article investigates some of the factors that might explain this variability. In particular, it examines the impact of different types of representation (descriptive and substantive) on the age-related gap in turnout. It does so by relying on a dataset that combines individual-level data with information concerning the age composition of national parliaments and party system emphasis on specific issues. Overall, the dataset covers 57 elections and 19 West European countries. Results show that when young people are descriptively represented, the age-related gap in turnout is significantly reduced. The same effect occurs when party systems place relatively more emphasis on postmaterialist issues."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 7

Enactors of the State: @profjackholland.bsky.social & Natalie Higham-James examine the everyday coproduction of security in the prevention of radicalisation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/3STjhlv #PSHighlyViewed 6/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract
Since 2001, studies of (counter)terrorism and (counter)radicalisation have burgeoned. However, at times, these literatures have reduced the agency of ordinary citizens, imagining them as ‘actors of the state’ and ‘petty sovereigns’. By integrating vernacular security approaches with allied research in Education, we develop a novel ontological conceptualisation of ordinary citizens as ‘enactors of the state’, engaged in the everyday coproduction of security. The article presents the findings of a survey, semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and participant observations, conducted in Manchester’s Further Education sector, following the 2017 Arena attack. We capture the security enactments of 95 elites, professionals, teachers, and students. Our data reveal the complex interactions, ensembles, and assemblages at the heart of security’s everyday coproduction. In contrast to existing approaches, we show how this creative dynamic operates through citizens’ variegated imbrications with state policy, complex relationalities, and subtle nuances in everyday enactment."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 6

The US 2020 Elections - @sjungkunz.bsky.social, @robfahey.net & Airo Hino investigate the dynamics of political violence justification & its connection with populist attitudes & conspiracy beliefs: buff.ly/PqNrr2B #PSHighlyViewed 5/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ECRs

"Abstract
The months around the US 2020 presidential election were characterized by polarization, populism, conspiracy theories, and violent acts, far exceeding usual out-party animosity in western democracies. Using an original two-wave panel survey fielded before the election in November 2020 (n = 3111) and after the inauguration in January 2021 (n = 3384), supported with data from the American National Election Study (ANES, n = 3080), we investigate the dynamics of political violence justification and its connection with populist attitudes and conspiracy beliefs. While we find that conspiracy beliefs are associated with higher justification of violence, the relationship with populist attitudes is mixed, and mostly depends on whether people believe in conspiracy theories or not—with populist attitudes being associated with greater political violence justification among those who believe conspiracy theories, while having no or even a negative correlation among those who do not. Finally, results from fixed-effects models provide some evidence for a temporal interpretation of the relationships, indicating that an increase in conspiracy beliefs is strongly and consistently associated with an increased willingness to justify violence."

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 5

What makes a politician trusted by citizens? @viktorv.bsky.social, @drjennings.bsky.social, Stoker, @lawrencemckay.bsky.social, @danjdevine.bsky.social & @nickclarkegeo.bsky.social find attributes of authenticity are as important as competence & integrity: buff.ly/41DzrXI (OA) #PSHighlyViewed 4/10

Abstract
We explore the characteristics of politicians that make them trusted by citizens, fielding conjoint survey experiments in seven democracies. Studies regularly indicate that competence and integrity are key attributes in the perceived trustworthiness of politicians, but we show that displaying authenticity is also important. Authenticity is about being true to oneself, and in the political context this requires politicians to appear unlike typical politicians and more like ordinary people. We find that some attributes associated with authenticity are as important as competence and integrity, and they appear to be especially important to citizens with lower levels of generalized political trust. These findings suggest that considerations of politicians being ‘in touch with ordinary people’ can matter just as much as more traditional judgements of their honesty and ability to produce outcomes. This has implications for our understanding of political leadership as well as for trust-building strategies.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 4

Authoritarian, But Not Nativist - @aborges75.bsky.social & @lisazanottiphd.bsky.social examine how far-right parties in Latin America compare to their Western European counterpart: buff.ly/4fK7Fwk (OPEN ACCESS) #PSHighlyViewed 3/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Research on far-right parties has mostly focused on Western Europe, where anti-immigration agendas and related nativist ideas have played a major role in right-wing radicalization. In this article, we analyze the rise of the far right in Latin America, a region where immigration has been much less prominent in public debates. Drawing on the 2020 Chapell Hill Expert Survey, we propose to assess the extent to which Latin American far-right parties fit existing conceptualizations that identify nativism and authoritarianism as the core characteristics of this party family. Given the relative unimportance of nativism as a distinguishing feature of cases of right-wing extremism/radicalism in the region, we propose a more parsimonious conceptualization of the far right. We also develop a typological classification and find that authoritarian-fundamentalist parties that embrace an extreme form of religious conservatism are the most common subtype of far-right party in Latin America.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 3

Why are graduates more socially liberal? Ralph Scott (@ralphscott.bsky.social) examines the effect of Higher Education on political values. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/wgIxOuV #PSHighlyViewed 2/10 @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social #polsky @sagepub.com #polsci #PoliticalScience

Abstract
Previous research has found that attending university results in an individual being more socially liberal and less racially prejudiced, accounting for a variety of alternative explanations. Yet what is it about university that induces this change in political values? This is the question this article addresses, by investigating three variations in university experience – degree subject, geographic mobility and change in social context – through analysis of a British cohort study linked to Census data. Using panel estimation methods, it finds that graduates of arts, humanities and social science subjects become more socially liberal than those studying other subjects, even when accounting for institutional variation, mobility, contextual effects and time-invariant confounding. It therefore makes the case that the effect of university on political values should be considered in part a learning effect: whereby disciplines affect individuals’ worldviews during the ‘impressionable years’.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jul 2

Why did Australia border earlier than most others for #Covid19? Diego Leiva Van De Maele, @drjesskirk.bsky.social, @cosmohoward.bsky.social, Mariel Verroya & @saraedavies.bsky.social examine Australia’s policy at the time: buff.ly/bJgFcDB (OPEN ACCESS) #PSHighlyViewed 1/10 #polsci #polisky

Abstract
Why did Australia border earlier than most other states in response to the outbreak of COVID-19? Between mid-January and March 2020, the Australian government adopted increasingly restrictive travel bans that led to the country closing its borders to all non-residents, adopting mandatory hotel quarantines for 14 days and a travel ban on Australians travelling overseas. These actions were in contravention of the World Health Organization advice to states on travel restrictions. Australia’s border closure was one of the strictest and, ultimately, longest in the world. In this article, we complement existing explanations on bordering that include critical border studies, securitization and bio/necropolitics with theoretical approaches from public policy literature to examine the domestic conditions that inform border closure policies and practices. We demonstrate that the decision to border, in this case, was not a rejection of World Health Organization advice but a turn towards the domestic pull factors – including domestic expert advice – to border.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 29

Do local labour markets shape support for the radical right? @rubenruizrufino.bsky.social examines how labour-intensive industries foster exclusionary attitudes and boost far-right voting across Europe. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/h3Y59Lc @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #RadicalRight

Abstract
Does variation in local economic environments help explain why some areas exhibit systematically higher support for radical-right parties? To address this question, I focus on two drivers related to the type of industry where individuals work and socially interact. First, in contrast to knowledge-based industries, labour-intensive industries are characterised by a clustering of individuals with high job vulnerability and low education. Second, when they coincide spatially, these two socioeconomic characteristics give rise to nativist preferences and exclusionary attitudes, which drive support for radical-right parties. I test these claims with two empirical strategies. In geographical municipal-level data from Spain, I confirm that support for radical-right parties is determined by exposure to labour-intensive activities such as certain sectors of agriculture and tourism. In addition, survey data from 17 European democracies confirm that working in labour-intensive industries boosts the roles of job vulnerability and education in developing and expressing exclusionary political behaviours.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 28

Are authoritarian legislatures mere rubber stamps? Hui Yang, Xiaohong Yu & Jiangrui Liu examine China’s Congress, showing bill revisions respond to party attention and public concern despite bureaucratic constraints. Read more: buff.ly/rJr5qVX @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Authoritarian legislatures are often portrayed as “rubber stamps” that merely formalize predetermined decisions. Yet growing evidence suggests that they can influence policy through deliberation and bill modification. This study investigates legislative modification in China’s National People’s Congress. Drawing on an original dataset of 133 bill–law pairs enacted between 2008 and 2023, we employ an improved minimum edit-distance algorithm to quantify textual change and identify conditions that generate more extensive modification. Results reveal that Congress has become proactive in shaping legislative outcomes. Party attention and public concern significantly amplify modification, whereas bureaucratic fragmentation constrains it. A qualitative case study of the Food Safety Law illustrates how bureaucratic competition creates drafting ambiguity, while public concern weakens departmental interests and facilitates consensus. These findings demonstrate that bill modification functions as a mechanism of controlled coordination that reconciles party priorities, societal pressures, and bureaucratic fragmentation within a centralized authoritarian policymaking system.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 27

How do memories of wartime violence affect post-war inter-group attitudes? Dino Hadzic shows war memory activation increases hostility toward out-group members, especially among those who experienced violence firsthand. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/JXQgz1K @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract
How do collective memories of war shape inter-group social attitudes in post-conflict societies? Can the legacy of wartime violence hinder reconciliation for years or even decades after the conflict ends? While prior research shows that war memories influence a range of political processes and outcomes, their effects on how members of formerly opposing groups perceive one another remain underexplored. To address this gap, I conducted a survey experiment in post-war Bosnia, investigating whether the activation of these memories affects hostility toward out-groups. The results show that making war memories salient intensifies hostility, especially among individuals who personally experienced violence during the war. These findings suggest that deeply ingrained war memories pose a significant barrier to reconciliation, but their impact may gradually diminish through the generational replacement of the wartime population.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 26

Why do citizens support participation but not take part? Steven N. Blok's article shows those favouring direct democracy are less engaged than technocratic or politician-averse groups. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/XQSUUYB @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalParticipation #eupolitics

Abstract
Despite strong support for democratic ideals, citizens are often not democratically active, a situation Dahl described as the ‘Democratic Paradox’. This paradox remains relevant, as many express a desire for more citizen involvement in decision-making processes, yet actual participation falls short of ideals. Understanding the gap between citizens’ democratic ideals and their actual participation is essential to addressing declining civic engagement. This paper examines the discrepancy between citizens’ decision-making preferences and their actual and intended participation in democratic innovations by analysing survey data from over 27,000 European respondents. The findings reveal that, while citizens generally support the notion of greater civic influence, those who favour direct democracy are not the most participatory. Instead, clusters with technocratic or politician-averse views demonstrate higher engagement levels. These findings highlight a paradox where people who normatively endorse greater influence by ordinary citizens simultaneously show limited willingness to exercise such influence, posing significant democratic challenges.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 25

How to move beyond capitalism from within capitalism? Aiste Pagirenaite argues that the capitalist state can be used strategically by prefigurative organisations to build better - sustainable, democratic, and fairer - futures. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/WRwpmTn @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polisky

Abstract
Prefigurative organisations that practice democratic, community-oriented and environmentally sustainable ways of organising are a crucial component of any political strategy that aims to transcend capitalism. However, since capitalism is the dominant economic system, prefigurative initiatives often remain limited to marginal spaces of the economy and society and are vulnerable to the encroachment of capitalist values, practices and logics. Therefore, prefigurative practices face a central problem: how to move beyond capitalism from within capitalism? This article presents one potential answer: prefigurative initiatives should strategically use the capitalist state to advance their aims and resist capitalist encroachment, thereby building futures beyond capitalism from inside of capitalism. The argument draws on a case study of the Scottish social enterprise to demonstrate how this can be done in practice. The article theorises three interrelated yet distinct strategies of resistance: a strategy of co-production, a strategy of institutionalisation and a strategy of withdrawal, on which prefigurative initiatives can draw when strategically interacting with the capitalist state. This article goes beyond anarchist and autonomist understandings of prefiguration and contributes to an emerging body of scholarship that highlights the potential of mobilising the resources of the capitalist state for emancipatory ends.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 24

Why did class voting in Britain rise, then decline? @olliheath.bsky.social, Humphrey Southall, Paula Aucott & @caprosser.com examine elections from 1885-2024, arguing political agency explains class dealignment better than social change. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/klGDUJz @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

Abstract
Understanding when and why social cleavages shape electoral behaviour is a central concern in the study of democratic politics. While many accounts emphasise the long-term social changes, others point to the role of party strategy. We contribute to this debate by analysing the political evolution of one of the central cleavages of the twentieth century—class—in one of the world’s longest-standing democracies—Britain. Analysing a unique new dataset combining constituency-level results across 37 general elections from 1885 to 2024 with data from eight censuses, applying geospatial redistricting methods, we describe the rise, stability and eventual decline of class-based voting, showing that a strong class cleavage emerged in the early twentieth century, remained stable for decades, but then unravelled rapidly after the 1990s. These patterns are difficult to reconcile with theories that emphasise gradual social change and are more consistent with accounts that stress political agency and representation.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 19

What shapes voting under constrained democracy? Ben Clements & Kyriaki Nanou examine Greece’s 1963–64 elections, showing economic concerns outweighed authoritarian legacies in driving political realignment. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/MFIcfsA @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #VotingBehaviour

Abstract
What structures voting behaviour under conditions of electoral and political constraints? The impact of authoritarian legacies from dictatorship on voting behaviour is well documented, but we know comparatively less about voting in constrained democracies. This study focuses on the 1963 and 1964 Greek legislative elections, analysing a novel archive of opinion polls. It contributes to the understanding of voting decisions and preference formation under democratic constraints, highlighting the role of the centrist vote in bringing about political and economic change in Greece. We show that political concerns linked to authoritarian practices and political repression were not the most prominent at these elections, but concerns over economic conditions, social welfare and education were. We demonstrate the role of age group, socio-economic stratification, newspaper readership and economic concerns for voting for the centre and left-wing parties. This indicates an emerging political realignment which can produce meaningful political change even in cases of constrained democracy.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 18

How we speak shapes how we feel represented - using original survey data from Germany, @martingross.bsky.social & @wurthmann.bsky.social show dialect speakers feel less politically represented & prefer politicians who speak their dialect. OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/iVEXmZv @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social

Abstract
Language is central to political representation, yet the role of dialects remains understudied. This study examines how dialects are associated with citizens’ feelings of and preferences for political representation. We argue that dialect use can be a part of social identity: politicians who share their constituents’ dialect may signal local attachment and social proximity. However, dialects also carry social stigma, potentially leading to underrepresentation in a political sphere dominated by standard language. Using original survey data from Germany, we test whether dialect-speaking citizens (1) feel less represented and (2) prefer politicians who speak a dialect. We find support for both: dialect speakers feel less represented and have stronger preferences for dialect-speaking representatives. These results suggest that dialects can serve as a subtle but meaningful form of descriptive representation. Our findings underscore the role of linguistic identity in political inclusion and call for greater attention to language in research on political behaviour.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 17

How much do experts really shape public trust in policy decisions? Ilkka Koiranen & @henriksc.bsky.social argue university researchers can enhance perceived legitimacy, but their impact varies by issue, outcome favorability & perceived importance. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/w30Ilia #polsky #polsci

Abstract
Science and expertise are frequently invoked to legitimize policy decisions. However, while prior research suggests broad support for expert-led governance, it often overlooks how citizens differentiate between types of experts and how political beliefs shape these perceptions. This study examines how institutional affiliations of experts—universities, government, and think tanks—influence citizens’ perceptions of legitimacy in political decision-making. Drawing on two pre-registered factorial survey experiments embedded in a survey from Finland (N = 2546), we investigate (1) differences in how actors affect decision-making legitimacy, and (2) how these effects differ depending on the type of issue, outcome favourability and issue salience. Our results show that proposals involving university researchers frequently gain legitimacy, but the exact effects hinge on the type of issue, outcome favourability, and salience. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how citizens perceive the role of expertise in democratic governance.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 16

Do youth wings produce the party members parties want? Niklas Bolin et al examine 5,000+ members, showing active participation matters more than time served. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/Mphqpok @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalParties

Abstract
Political parties expect youth wings to recruit and socialize young people into the norms and values of the party, nurturing aligned future grassroots members, officials, and candidates. However, embeddedness in youth wings – understood in terms of membership length and activity levels – may not necessarily deliver this. In our study, we examine whether youth wings nurture the members parties want using YOUMEM survey data from over 5000 members of 12 youth wings in six countries. Specifically, we assess whether embeddedness is associated with greater ideological alignment and desire for long-term party engagement. We find that active members are more ideologically aligned and inclined to remain in the party, while passive members display the opposite trend. However, length of membership is associated with reduced aspirations among all for intra-party and public office. Our findings suggest that the added value of youth wings as future-oriented socialization vehicles for parties is less than generally assumed.

Political Studies@polstudies· Jun 15

Do authoritarians, populists and radicals view democracy differently? @dielea.bsky.social examines 14k Western Europeans, showing authoritarianism, not populism or radicalism, poses the greatest challenge to liberal democracy. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/bs7LLul @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky